What are alternatives? Part II. Fascism and the Ideal State.
In essence, while the uniforms and symbols might change, the underlying ethos of fascism—its drive toward authoritarianism, its appeal to a mythic past, its creation of in-groups and out-groups, and its reliance on a controlled economy that benefits a select few—would remain recognizable. The challenge for contemporary society is to stay vigilant and recognize these features in their historical forms and the new guises they might adopt in our time.
In essence, the fascist ideal is a society organized under a strict hierarchy, dominated by a nationalist and militarist ethos, where the state exerts total control over all aspects of life, and the interests of the most powerful economic elites are paramount.
The document https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/dimitrov.pdf by Georgi Dimitrov, published in 1938 by Lawrence & Wishart in London, does not explicitly describe a final ideal society fascism aims to achieve, as the perspective is a critique of fascism rather than an endorsement. However, from a critical standpoint provided, the following can be inferred about the fascist vision:
1. Totalitarian Control: Fascism seeks to establish a totalitarian state where the most reactionary elements of finance capital have complete control over society (p. 6).
2. Nationalist and Imperialist Dominance: It aims to create a society that is intensely nationalist and imperialist, where the state aggressively pursues its interests both domestically and internationally (pp. 6-7).
3. Unified Class Representation: Fascism claims to represent all classes and strata of the population, but in practice, it serves the interests of the dominant class, leading to inevitable conflict with its mass social base (pp. 39-40).
4. Economic Autarky: The fascist state pursues policies of economic nationalism, seeking self-sufficiency and preparing for war, which benefits the monopolist bourgeoisie (p. 20).
5. Destruction of Democratic Rights: It involves destroying democratic rights and establishing a regime suppressing dissent and any form of opposition (pp. 170-171).
6. Cultural and Social Regression: Fascism promotes regressive social policies, including race theories and the suppression of cultural and intellectual life (p. 7).
7. Militarization and War: It prepares society for wars of conquest and glorifies military values and aggression (pp. 10, 170).
8. Peasant and Worker Exploitation: Despite promises to the contrary, fascism leads to increased exploitation of peasants and workers, serving the interests of the big landowners, banks, and trusts (pp. 10-11).
In the contemporary landscape, the spectre of fascism, should it arise, would likely wear a different mask than in the early 20th century, yet its core features might echo historical precedents. The modern incarnation of fascism would probably be less about the overt celebration of a single leader and more about the subtle erosion of democratic norms and institutions. It would likely manifest in the gradual undermining of the free press, the normalization of extreme nationalism, and the stoking division for political gain.
The economic underpinnings of such a movement could be complex, potentially leveraging both industrial and financial capital. In an age where information is a commodity and digital platforms wield immense influence, the role of technology companies and their leaders could be pivotal. The interplay between capital and data might become a defining feature, with controlling information flows becoming as important as controlling financial flows.
Moreover, the international nature of capital, which has only intensified with globalization, could present both a tool and a challenge for modern fascism. On one hand, global financial networks could be exploited to entrench power and wealth within a select group. On the other, the international solidarity among workers and the interconnectedness of economies could serve as a bulwark against the isolationism and aggressive nationalism that fascism promotes.
