What are alternatives? Part I: Understanding Historical Fascism.
As we scrutinize the vestiges of fascism in contemporary society, particularly in Europe and North America, we must vigilantly guard the democratic institutions that foster tax choice and prevent the concentration of power. Through this lens, we can understand the true antithesis of fascism – a society that values individual agency and collective oversight in its financial and political decisions.
Fascism, with its notorious past as an authoritarian and ultranationalist ideology, is fundamentally at odds with the democratic concept of tax choice. While tax choice empowers citizens by allowing them to direct a portion of their taxes to specific programs, fascism centralizes this power, dictating economic direction without public input.
Georgi Dimitrov's seminal work, while inherently biased as a Communist critique, provides an in-depth examination of fascism's mechanisms and beneficiaries. The document, however, is more than a historical narrative; it prompts reflection on how similar authoritarian patterns could subtly emerge.
Fascism, as historically understood, is a far-right, authoritarian ultranationalist political ideology and movement characterized by dictatorial power, forcible suppression of opposition, as well as strong regimentation of society and the economy. Under fascist regimes, the government typically controls many aspects of life, including the economy. This control extends to taxation, with the state determining how resources are allocated without input from the citizenry. The concept of individual choice in tax allocation is antithetical to the fascist model, where the state's decisions are considered paramount and individual liberties are often suppressed for the sake of national goals.
This blog is based on fundamental work https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/dimitrov.pdf by Georgi Dimitrov, published in 1938 by Lawrence & Wishart in London, encompasses reports, speeches, and articles by Dimitrov, who was the General Secretary of the Communist International. The content covers significant international developments from 1935 to the end of 1937, representing the political line of the Communist International during this period.
Yes, the report is biased, and some readers will insist that the Communist International was not much different. However, fascism was a mortal enemy for them and represented an existential threat. Knowing the enemy was very important for Georgi Dimitrov.
The first section, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International," discusses the rise of fascism and its implications for the working class and the Communist movement. Dimitrov warns about the fascist offensive and the need for a united front against it. He describes fascism as the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary elements of finance capital, with German fascism being the most extreme form. Fascism is portrayed as a force that is anti-socialist, chauvinistic, and imperialist, serving as the spearhead of international counter-revolution and the chief instigator of imperialist war.
Dimitrov explains that fascism gains influence by exploiting the masses' urgent needs and demands, using anti-capitalist demagogy to attract the petty bourgeoisie and even some workers. Despite its promises, fascism leads to more severe exploitation, suppression of workers' rights, and preparation for aggressive wars.
The major beneficiary of fascism, as outlined in the document, is the most reactionary and imperialist elements of finance capital, specifically the big bourgeoisie and financial magnates. These groups are the primary benefactors of the fascist system, as it serves their interests and consolidates their power. Here are the key points related to which class benefits from fascism:
1. Dictatorship of Finance Capital: Fascism is the dictatorship of the most reactionary elements of finance capital, indicating that the wealthiest and most powerful segments of the capitalist class benefit from it (pp. 6-7).
2. Conflict with Mass Social Base: While fascism claims to represent all classes, it inevitably conflicts with its mass social base due to its nature as a dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie (pp. 39-40).
3. Economic Nationalism: By focusing on economic nationalism and war preparation, fascism undermines the country's economic life, which benefits the monopolist bourgeoisie at the expense of the general population (p. 20).
4. Anti-Capitalist Demagogy: Fascism uses anti-capitalist demagogy to attract the masses, but its policies enrich the monopolist bourgeoisie, revealing a stark contrast between its promises and actions (pp. 9, 20).
5. Monopolist Enrichment: The policy of fascism enriches the monopolist bourgeoisie in a "piratical fashion," which means that the very wealthy and those with monopolistic control over industries benefit the most (p. 20).
6. Exploitation of the Masses: Despite its claims, fascism aims at the most unbridled exploitation of the masses, which serves the interests of the extreme imperialists and the most reactionary circles of the bourgeoisie (pp. 9-10).
In contrast, tax choice is a concept that aligns more closely with democratic and libertarian principles. It suggests taxpayers should have a say in how the government uses their taxes. This could increase engagement and satisfaction by giving them a more active role in public resource allocation. It's a form of participatory budgeting, which is a democratic process in which community members directly decide how to spend part of a public budget. It assumes a level of openness in government operations and a willingness to share power with citizens—principles typically not found in fascist governments.
